Marcus Tullius Cicero→Titus Pomponius Atticus|c. 49 BC|Cicero|From Rome|To Rome/Athens|AI-assisted
In my opinion, that story about the rafts is no true report. Why would Dolabella, in the letter he sent from Brundisium on March 13, describe it as almost a windfall for Caesar that Pompey was in flight and would sail with the first favorable wind? That differs greatly from the letters of which I previously sent you copies. Here, to be sure, people speak of nothing but pure crime and disaster; but on this matter there was no more recent source than Dolabella, nor a better one.
I received your letter of March 22, in which you defer every plan until we know what has happened. That is certainly right. In the meantime nothing can be settled, not even thought through. And yet Dolabella's letter orders me back to my earlier thoughts. The day before the Quinquatria the weather was excellent, and I think Pompey used it.
I did not collect the summary of your advice in order to complain, but rather to console myself. These disasters did not distress me as much as the suspicion that I had acted with fault and rashness. I think there was no such fault, since my acts and plans agree with your advice. You write that it is more because of my own public statements than because of Pompey's merit that I seem to owe him so much. That is true. I have always exaggerated those services, and all the more so to prevent him from thinking I remembered the earlier ones. Even if I had remembered them most clearly, I ought now to follow the likeness of that time. He did not help me when he could; afterward he was my friend, even a very good one, though I do not clearly know why. So I too am his friend. There is also this equal fact in both our cases: we were both lured on by the same people. If only I had been able to help him as much as he was able to help me. Still, what he did for me is most welcome. I do not know how I can help him now; and if I could, when he is preparing such a destructive war, I would not think he should be helped.
Only I do not want to offend his feelings by staying here. Nor, by Hercules, could I bear to see the things you can already foresee in your mind, or take part in those evils. I was slower to leave because it is hard to think of a voluntary departure with no hope of return. I see Caesar so equipped with infantry, cavalry, fleets, and Gallic auxiliaries, whom Matius was exaggerating, I think, though he certainly claimed that foot and horse had promised themselves at their own expense for ten years. Let that be boasting; he certainly has great forces, and he will have not Italy's revenues but the property of citizens. Add the man's confidence, and add the weakness of the good men, who, because they think Pompey is rightly angry with them, hate him, as you write. I wish you had written who indicated this. Domitius promised more than he did, and the crowd who once loved Pompey no longer loves him. The towns and Roman country people fear Pompey; so far they love Caesar. For that reason Caesar is so prepared that, even if he cannot win, I do not see how he can be defeated. I fear not so much his trickery as his power of compulsion. As Plato says, "The requests of tyrants, you know, are mixed with necessity."
I see that you do not approve those places without harbors. I did not like them either, but they did offer concealment and reliable service. If those had been available at Brundisium, I would have preferred it. But there is no concealment there. Still, as you write, we shall decide when we know.
I do not make much excuse for myself to the good men. What dinners Sextus wrote to me that they give and attend, how lavish and how early in the day. Let them be as good as they please; they are not better than we are. They would move me if they were braver. I was wrong about Phamea's estate at Lanuvium; I was dreaming of the Trojan estate. I wanted that for Quintus, but the price is higher. Still, I would like to buy it if I saw any hope of enjoying it.
What monstrosities we read every day you will understand from the little document enclosed in this letter. Our Lentulus is at Puteoli, distressed, as Caesius says, over what he should do. He fears a Corfinium-style turn of events. He thinks he has satisfied Pompey; he is moved by Caesar's kindness, but he is moved still more by looking ahead.
Can you bear these things? Everything is miserable, but nothing is more miserable than this. Pompey sent Numerius Magius about peace, and yet he is being attacked. I did not believe it, but I have a letter from Balbus, of which I sent you a copy. Read it, please, especially the final section from excellent Balbus himself, to whom our Gnaeus gave a site for building gardens, and whom did he not often prefer to one of us? And so the poor man is tormented. But so that you do not read the same thing twice, I refer you to the letter itself. I have no hope of peace. Dolabella, in his letter dated March 13, speaks of plain war. So let us remain in that same miserable and desperate opinion, since nothing can be more miserable than this.
"'Tis no true tale" to my mind that about the fleet. For why should Dolabella in a letter dated from Brundisium on the 13th of March call it a kind of windfall for Caesar that Pompey is thinking of flight and preparing to sail by the first wind? That is very different from that letter of which I sent you a copy before. Here indeed every one speaks of sheer disaster; but there is no later nor more reliable authority on the event than Dolabella.
I have your letter of the 22nd of March, in which you postpone all advice till we know what has happened. Certainly that is wise; and in the meantime we cannot think of anything, much less arrange anything. However, Dolabella's letter compels me to turn to my former thoughts. For on the 18th of March the weather was excellent and I fancy Pompey will not have failed to take advantage of it.
That précis of your advice was not made by me to quarrel with you, but to console myself, for I suffered less pain from these evil days than from the idea I had acted wrongly and rashly. But I fancy I have not done so, since my deeds and policy agree with your advice. You say that I seem to owe Pompey so much more because I say so than because he deserves it. You are right. I have always exaggerated
his services for fear he might think I remembered the past. However much I remembered it, I should feel bound to take the course he took as an example for my behaviour now. He failed to help me when he might; but afterwards he was my friend, my very good friend. I don't quite know why; so I too will be his friend. There is this further likeness between the two cases; both of us were inveigled by the same persons. But would that I were able to help him as much as he was able to help me! However, I am truly grateful for what he did. I do not know in what way I may be able to help him now; nor, were I able, should I think it proper to help him in his preparations for such a disastrous war. Only I do not wish to hurt his feelings by staying here. I declare I could not behold the days that you can foresee, nor take part in such iniquity. But my departure was delayed, because it is hard to think of voluntary departure when there is no hope of return. For Caesar I see is so equipped with infantry, cavalry, fleet, auxiliaries from Gaul—Matius may have exaggerated, but certainly he said that ... infantry and cavalry have promised their services for ten years at their own expense. However, granted that this was gasconnade, great forces Caesar assuredly has, and he will have not the inland revenue of Italy, but the property of her citizens. Add to this the self-confidence of the man, the weakness of the loyalists, who, thinking Pompey deservedly angry with them, as you say, detest the game. I wish you had cited your authority. Domitius, who promised more than he performed, and Pompey's old lovers in general do
not love him. The towns and rural population are afraid of Pompey and so far worship Caesar. Caesar is so equipped that, even if he fail to beat, I do not see in what way he can be beaten. I do not fear his finesse so much as his force majeure, for as Plato says, "a tyrant's requests partake of the nature of mandates."
Places without harbours, I see, do not meet with your approval. Nor do I like them, but the place has afforded me hiding and a trusty set of attendants. If I could have had the same at Brundisium, I should have preferred it. But there is no hiding place there. But, as you say, when we know!
I am not going to excuse myself much to the loyalists. What dinners according to Sextus they are giving and receiving, how lavish and how early! They may be loyal, but they are not more loyal than I. They would influence me more if they had shown more courage.
I was wrong about Phamea's estate at Lanuvium. I was dreaming about the Trojan estate. I wanted it for £4,500, but the price is higher. However, I should have liked you to buy that estate for me, if I saw any hope of enjoying it.
What portentous news I read daily you may understand from the pamphlet enclosed in this packet. Lentulus is at Puteoli, and, Caesius says, in a quandary what to do. He dreads a fiasco like that at Corfinium. He thinks he has done his duty by Pompey. He is influenced by Caesar's kindness; but he is influenced more by future prospects.
To think that you can bear this! Everything is
wretched, but nothing more wretched than this. Pompey sent N. Magius to speak of peace, and yet he is under siege. I did not believe it; but I have a letter from Balbus of which I send you a copy. Read it, please, and that clause at the end which contains the remarks of the good Balbus himself, to whom Pompey gave a site for his estate and whom he had often preferred to all of us. So he is in an agony of grief. But, that you may not have to read the same, twice over, I refer you to the letter. Of peace I have no hope. Dolabella in his letter of the 13th of March speaks of war pure and simple. So let us stick to the same opinion, that there is no hope, for nothing can be worse than all this.
[1] Ouk est' etumos logos, ut opinor, ille de ratibus. quid enim esset quod Dolabella iis litteris quas iii Idus Martias a Brundisio dedit hanc quasi euemerian Caesaris scriberet, Pompeium in fuga esse eumque primo vento navigaturum? quod valde discrepat ab iis epistulis quarum exempla antea ad te misi. hic quidem mera scelera loquuntur; sed non erat nec recentior auctor nec huius quidem rei melior Dolabella. [21] tuas xi K. accepi litteras quibus omnia consilia differs in id tempus cum scierimus quid actum sit. et certe ita est, nec interim potest quicquam non modo statui sed ne cogitari quidem. quamquam hae me litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. fuit enim pridie Quinquatrus egregia tempestas; qua ego illum usum puto. [3] Sunagoge consiliorum tuorum non est a me conlecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. nec enim me tam haec mala angebant quam suspicio culpae ac temeritatis meae. eam nullam puto esse, quoniam cum consiliis tuis mea facta et consilia consentiunt. quod mea praedicatione factum esse scribis magis quam illius merito ut tantum ei debere viderer, est ita. ego illa extuli semper et eo quidem magis ne quid ille superiorum meminisse me putaret. quae si maxime meminissem, tamen illius temporis similitudinem iam sequi deberem. nihil me adiuvit cum posset; sed postea fuit amicus, etiam valde, nec quam ob causam plane scio. ergo ego quoque illi. quin etiam illud par in utroque nostrum, quod ab eisdem inlecti sumus. sed utinam tantum ego ei prodesse potuissem quantum mihi ille potuit! mihi tamen quod fecit gratissimum. nec ego nunc eum iuvare qua re possim scio nec, si possem, cum tam pestiferum bellum pararet, adiuvandum putarem. [4] tantum offendere animum eius hic manens nolo nec me hercule ista videre quae tu potes iam animo providere, nec interesse istis malis possem. sed eo tardior ad discedendum fui quod difficile est de discessu voluntario sine ulla spe reditus cogitare. nam ego hunc ita paratum video peditatu, equitatu, classibus, auxiliis Gallorum quos Matius elapizen, ut puto, sed certe dicebat . . . peditum, equitum se polliceri sumptu suo annos decem. sed sit hoc lapisma; magnas habet certe copias et habebit non Italiae vectigal sed civium bona. adde confidentiam hominis, adde imbecillitatem bonorum virorum qui quidem, quod illum sibi merito iratum putant, oderunt, ut tu scribis + ludum cc vellem scribis, quisnam hic significasset. sed et iste, quia+ plus ostenderat quam fecit et vulgo illum qui amarunt non amant; municipia vero et rustici Romani illum metuunt, hunc adhuc diligunt. qua re ita paratus est ut, etiam si vincere non possit, quo modo tamen vinci ipse possit non videam. ego autem non tam goeteian huius timeo quam peithananken. 'Hai gar ton turannon deeseis' inquit Platon 'oisth' hoti memigmenai anankais.' illa alimena video tibi non probari. quae ne mihi quidem placebant; sed habebam in illis et occultationem et huperesian fidelem. quae si mihi Brundisi suppeterent, mallem; sed ibi occultatio nulla est. verum, ut scribis, cum sciemus. [6] viris bonis me non nimis excuso. quas enim eos cenas et facere et obire scripsit ad me Sextus, quam lautas, quam tempestivas! sed sint quamvis boni, non sunt meliores quam nos. moverent me, si essent fortiores. de Lanuvino Phameae erravi; Troianum somniaveram. id ego volui Q. sed pluris est. istuc tamen cuperem emere, si ullam spem fruendi viderem. [7] nos quae monstra cotidie legamus intelleges ex illo libello qui in epistulam coniectus est. Lentulus noster Puteolis est , ademonon is, ut Caesius narrat, quid agat. Diatropen Corfiniensem reformidat. Pompeio nunc putat satis factum, beneficio Caesaris movetur, sed tamen movetur magis prospectare. [8] Tene haec posse ferre? omnia misera sed hoc nihil miserius. Pompeius N. Magium de pace misit et tamen oppugnatur. quod ego non credebam, sed habeo a Balbo litteras quarum ad te exemplum misi. lege, quaeso, et illud infimum caput ipsius Balbi optimi, cui Gnaeus noster locum ubi hortos aedificaret dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit? itaque miser torquetur. sed ne bis eadem legas, ad ipsam te epistulam reicio. spem autem pacis habeo nullam. Dolabella suis litteris iii Idus Mart datis merum bellum loquitur. maneamus ergo in illa eadem sententia misera et desperata, quando hoc miserius esse nihil potest.
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In my opinion, that story about the rafts is no true report. Why would Dolabella, in the letter he sent from Brundisium on March 13, describe it as almost a windfall for Caesar that Pompey was in flight and would sail with the first favorable wind? That differs greatly from the letters of which I previously sent you copies. Here, to be sure, people speak of nothing but pure crime and disaster; but on this matter there was no more recent source than Dolabella, nor a better one.
I received your letter of March 22, in which you defer every plan until we know what has happened. That is certainly right. In the meantime nothing can be settled, not even thought through. And yet Dolabella's letter orders me back to my earlier thoughts. The day before the Quinquatria the weather was excellent, and I think Pompey used it.
I did not collect the summary of your advice in order to complain, but rather to console myself. These disasters did not distress me as much as the suspicion that I had acted with fault and rashness. I think there was no such fault, since my acts and plans agree with your advice. You write that it is more because of my own public statements than because of Pompey's merit that I seem to owe him so much. That is true. I have always exaggerated those services, and all the more so to prevent him from thinking I remembered the earlier ones. Even if I had remembered them most clearly, I ought now to follow the likeness of that time. He did not help me when he could; afterward he was my friend, even a very good one, though I do not clearly know why. So I too am his friend. There is also this equal fact in both our cases: we were both lured on by the same people. If only I had been able to help him as much as he was able to help me. Still, what he did for me is most welcome. I do not know how I can help him now; and if I could, when he is preparing such a destructive war, I would not think he should be helped.
Only I do not want to offend his feelings by staying here. Nor, by Hercules, could I bear to see the things you can already foresee in your mind, or take part in those evils. I was slower to leave because it is hard to think of a voluntary departure with no hope of return. I see Caesar so equipped with infantry, cavalry, fleets, and Gallic auxiliaries, whom Matius was exaggerating, I think, though he certainly claimed that foot and horse had promised themselves at their own expense for ten years. Let that be boasting; he certainly has great forces, and he will have not Italy's revenues but the property of citizens. Add the man's confidence, and add the weakness of the good men, who, because they think Pompey is rightly angry with them, hate him, as you write. I wish you had written who indicated this. Domitius promised more than he did, and the crowd who once loved Pompey no longer loves him. The towns and Roman country people fear Pompey; so far they love Caesar. For that reason Caesar is so prepared that, even if he cannot win, I do not see how he can be defeated. I fear not so much his trickery as his power of compulsion. As Plato says, "The requests of tyrants, you know, are mixed with necessity."
I see that you do not approve those places without harbors. I did not like them either, but they did offer concealment and reliable service. If those had been available at Brundisium, I would have preferred it. But there is no concealment there. Still, as you write, we shall decide when we know.
I do not make much excuse for myself to the good men. What dinners Sextus wrote to me that they give and attend, how lavish and how early in the day. Let them be as good as they please; they are not better than we are. They would move me if they were braver. I was wrong about Phamea's estate at Lanuvium; I was dreaming of the Trojan estate. I wanted that for Quintus, but the price is higher. Still, I would like to buy it if I saw any hope of enjoying it.
What monstrosities we read every day you will understand from the little document enclosed in this letter. Our Lentulus is at Puteoli, distressed, as Caesius says, over what he should do. He fears a Corfinium-style turn of events. He thinks he has satisfied Pompey; he is moved by Caesar's kindness, but he is moved still more by looking ahead.
Can you bear these things? Everything is miserable, but nothing is more miserable than this. Pompey sent Numerius Magius about peace, and yet he is being attacked. I did not believe it, but I have a letter from Balbus, of which I sent you a copy. Read it, please, especially the final section from excellent Balbus himself, to whom our Gnaeus gave a site for building gardens, and whom did he not often prefer to one of us? And so the poor man is tormented. But so that you do not read the same thing twice, I refer you to the letter itself. I have no hope of peace. Dolabella, in his letter dated March 13, speaks of plain war. So let us remain in that same miserable and desperate opinion, since nothing can be more miserable than this.
AI-assisted translation - This translation was produced with AI assistance and has not been peer-reviewed. See the 19th-century translation or original Latin/Greek below for scholarly use.
Latin / Greek Original
[1] Ouk est' etumos logos, ut opinor, ille de ratibus. quid enim esset quod Dolabella iis litteris quas iii Idus Martias a Brundisio dedit hanc quasi euemerian Caesaris scriberet, Pompeium in fuga esse eumque primo vento navigaturum? quod valde discrepat ab iis epistulis quarum exempla antea ad te misi. hic quidem mera scelera loquuntur; sed non erat nec recentior auctor nec huius quidem rei melior Dolabella. [21] tuas xi K. accepi litteras quibus omnia consilia differs in id tempus cum scierimus quid actum sit. et certe ita est, nec interim potest quicquam non modo statui sed ne cogitari quidem. quamquam hae me litterae Dolabellae iubent ad pristinas cogitationes reverti. fuit enim pridie Quinquatrus egregia tempestas; qua ego illum usum puto. [3] Sunagoge consiliorum tuorum non est a me conlecta ad querelam sed magis ad consolationem meam. nec enim me tam haec mala angebant quam suspicio culpae ac temeritatis meae. eam nullam puto esse, quoniam cum consiliis tuis mea facta et consilia consentiunt. quod mea praedicatione factum esse scribis magis quam illius merito ut tantum ei debere viderer, est ita. ego illa extuli semper et eo quidem magis ne quid ille superiorum meminisse me putaret. quae si maxime meminissem, tamen illius temporis similitudinem iam sequi deberem. nihil me adiuvit cum posset; sed postea fuit amicus, etiam valde, nec quam ob causam plane scio. ergo ego quoque illi. quin etiam illud par in utroque nostrum, quod ab eisdem inlecti sumus. sed utinam tantum ego ei prodesse potuissem quantum mihi ille potuit! mihi tamen quod fecit gratissimum. nec ego nunc eum iuvare qua re possim scio nec, si possem, cum tam pestiferum bellum pararet, adiuvandum putarem. [4] tantum offendere animum eius hic manens nolo nec me hercule ista videre quae tu potes iam animo providere, nec interesse istis malis possem. sed eo tardior ad discedendum fui quod difficile est de discessu voluntario sine ulla spe reditus cogitare. nam ego hunc ita paratum video peditatu, equitatu, classibus, auxiliis Gallorum quos Matius elapizen, ut puto, sed certe dicebat . . . peditum, equitum se polliceri sumptu suo annos decem. sed sit hoc lapisma; magnas habet certe copias et habebit non Italiae vectigal sed civium bona. adde confidentiam hominis, adde imbecillitatem bonorum virorum qui quidem, quod illum sibi merito iratum putant, oderunt, ut tu scribis + ludum cc vellem scribis, quisnam hic significasset. sed et iste, quia+ plus ostenderat quam fecit et vulgo illum qui amarunt non amant; municipia vero et rustici Romani illum metuunt, hunc adhuc diligunt. qua re ita paratus est ut, etiam si vincere non possit, quo modo tamen vinci ipse possit non videam. ego autem non tam goeteian huius timeo quam peithananken. 'Hai gar ton turannon deeseis' inquit Platon 'oisth' hoti memigmenai anankais.' illa alimena video tibi non probari. quae ne mihi quidem placebant; sed habebam in illis et occultationem et huperesian fidelem. quae si mihi Brundisi suppeterent, mallem; sed ibi occultatio nulla est. verum, ut scribis, cum sciemus. [6] viris bonis me non nimis excuso. quas enim eos cenas et facere et obire scripsit ad me Sextus, quam lautas, quam tempestivas! sed sint quamvis boni, non sunt meliores quam nos. moverent me, si essent fortiores. de Lanuvino Phameae erravi; Troianum somniaveram. id ego volui Q. sed pluris est. istuc tamen cuperem emere, si ullam spem fruendi viderem. [7] nos quae monstra cotidie legamus intelleges ex illo libello qui in epistulam coniectus est. Lentulus noster Puteolis est , ademonon is, ut Caesius narrat, quid agat. Diatropen Corfiniensem reformidat. Pompeio nunc putat satis factum, beneficio Caesaris movetur, sed tamen movetur magis prospectare. [8] Tene haec posse ferre? omnia misera sed hoc nihil miserius. Pompeius N. Magium de pace misit et tamen oppugnatur. quod ego non credebam, sed habeo a Balbo litteras quarum ad te exemplum misi. lege, quaeso, et illud infimum caput ipsius Balbi optimi, cui Gnaeus noster locum ubi hortos aedificaret dedit, quem cui nostrum non saepe praetulit? itaque miser torquetur. sed ne bis eadem legas, ad ipsam te epistulam reicio. spem autem pacis habeo nullam. Dolabella suis litteris iii Idus Mart datis merum bellum loquitur. maneamus ergo in illa eadem sententia misera et desperata, quando hoc miserius esse nihil potest.